Charles O

Conversations with a Confraternity of Naija Brothers: Part II

Posted November 6, 2007 · Charles O

In a previous entry, I concluded by citing four recommendations that Nigerians commonly make for correcting the corrupt socio-political system and accelerating national advancement. I promised in that entry to share my perspectives on those four options. Understand that in reality, there will likely be a need for some combination of these ideas (and others); however, for the sake of simplicity, I will address each separately.

Argument #1: “New Blood”

The argument here is that what we need is to inject the system with “new blood,” preferably technocrats with strong credentials, track-records of high-performance, global perspectives, and strong moral and ethical compasses. In general, the argument looks at the population of highly-trained and educated Nigerians at home, but particularly “in diaspora,” and calculates that a homeward-bound mass-exodus of such tremendous human potential will inevitably effect positive change.

The counterargument: Given that most (rational) people react to a system of incentives, how many (rational) Nigerians are willing to forego the conveniences and comfort of Western suburbia and SUVs for the aggravations of daily Lagos life? The counterargument continues that Nigeria has to evolve, at the minimum, an “enabling environment”—ample amenities and infrastructure, security of persons and property, a robust economy, etc.—before we can expect a reverse brain-drain to pick up any significant momentum.

There is, of course, merit to both argument and counterargument. My concern, however, continues to be in regard to what I have termed the “oligarchic core”—“that galling cabal of perennial demagogues…” As an example: how does a technocrat of Dr. Okonjo-Iweala’s stature (A.B., Harvard University; Ph.D., Regional Economics and Development, MIT) get unceremoniously ejected from the Nigerian government. Any right-thinking progressive government would be grateful to have such a brain in its cabinet, but not ours.

The problem: How do we get sharp technocrats into key positions and keep them there long enough to effect meaningful and lasting change and move the country forward. And how do we keep out the riff-raff?

…

Another Thought: Entrepreneurship

My other perspective on this is that not everyone has to be in government. The average Nigerian disposition towards government is that it is the most assured means of acquiring and accumulating wealth (naturally, through theft of public funds). We need to start to translate our innate entrepreneurial drive (the one that impels our 419ers and “yahoo-yahoo” boys) into legitimate enterprises. In fact, I might argue that we needn’t wait for the government to provide the private sector with the oft-mentioned “enabling environment.” The existing gaps presents opportunities for sharp, visionary business leaders and entrepreneurs to satisfy an existing need, provide opportunities for millions of people, and (potentially) make tons of money.

Argument #2: Sovereign National Conference (SNC)

The argument here is that the best way to free ourselves of the shackles of the perpetual oligarchic core is to convene a Sovereign National Conference (SNC). This is my own argument.

Consider the United State of America at birth: the founding fathers of 13 autonomous “colonies” coming together to fashion a union and the terms (or operating agreement) of that union. Consider the endless debates about the representation of each colony (or state) in congress… Should the states be represented on the basis of size, or should each state be represented by an equal number of delegates. Those of us who are familiar with U.S. history will recall the resolution of that debate.

Now consider Nigeria at birth: the “founding fathers” representing basically three of the hundreds of ethnic groups (flaw number one), coming together not to fashion a union (flaw number two), but simply to unburdened the nation of colonialism—the business of figuring out the “Nigeria” questions was supposed to be sorted later. The message was, “dear colonial masters, please leave us to our own devices—we’ll figure out our National identity later.”

Do note that I am not arguing that clamoring for independence was a flaw; what I am saying is that our “founding fathers” erred in failing to consider the important questions about the Nigerian nation-state (or conglomeration of nation-states) and fashioning a viable operating agreement.

Naturally, the Europeans did not consult a single “Nigerian” ethnic group when they arbitrarily incorporated them into the geo-political contrivance they came to call “Nigeria.” Neither did our “founding fathers” contemplate this issue to any consequential degree, pre-independence. Of course, in the 47 years since independence, Nigeria has suffered the repression of successive military rule, that the question of ever having had the opportunity to maul over the constitution of the Nigerian entity is entirely moot.

This is the anomaly that a Sovereign National Conference will attempt to redress. The conference, by its very definition must be unfettered by any particular interest and its constitution must be thoroughly representative of the current-state Nigerian composition, including all minorities: ethnic groups, women, students, labor, et cetera. The conference must be free to formulate and pursue its agenda uninhibited. There can be no no-go areas. In the end, the conference must emerge with a set of resolutions that are binding and indubitable, having addressed such questions as:

  • What is Nigeria—in other words, what constitutes Nigeria?
  • Should Nigeria continue as a nation in its current constitution—that is, should we retain the current geo-political boundaries as a single nation-state entity?
  • If we are to continue as a single nation-state entity, what are the terms under which we will do so?
  • Et cetera, et cetera.

Ultimately, the conference must lead to the formulation of a new constitution that addresses and incorporates the convention’s resolutions.

The counterargument: How do we keep out the riff-raff? In other words, won’t we essentially have an SNC that is constituted of the same elements that we are attempting to replace? Won’t we come away with basically building a framework that legitimizes and strengthens the status quo?

It will be our challenge to ensure that we don’t have that sort of outcome, and I am confident that we are capable of reaching sound resolutions through an SNC.

Argument #3: Sanitize, Rawlings/Ghana-Style

The argument here is that corruption is so entrenched in the system that nothing short of summary execution of every key element of government will correct it.

While I am tempted to agree that a number of people in Nigerian government are deserving of summary execution, this approach does pose its particular logistical problems.

Rawlings did it in Ghana, yes. Is it a good option for Nigeria, I doubt it. Indeed, aside from some stealth commando-styled mercenary operation, only a coup will form a viable backdrop to this sort of large-scale execution… Believe me; Nigerians have had their fill of coups. It probably will not be received very well.

In short, let’s not waste too much time discussing this option. It’s just too ‘far out there,’ to be a useful resolution of our national malaise.

Argument #4: Armed Revolt/Revolution

The armed revolt/revolution option is already being exercised in the Niger Delta area. While I do not condone the “militants’” terrorist tactics, I can certainly appreciate their concerns and frustrations, being a Deltan myself. The issue is basically that while the Niger Delta area produces the overwhelming national revenues, that area remains one of the poorest, least developed, and most environmentally devastated regions of the country. With regard to environmental devastation, we are talking about gas flaring, oil leaks, raging infernos that engulf farms and villages (starting from oil and gas pipelines), etc. One doesn’t need a medical degree to appreciate the health implications of long-term and uncontrolled exposure to the carcinogens in petrochemical products. The oil companies (many of them foreign/international), with the complicity of the local, state and federal governments have basically abused the Niger Deltans for so long that this sort of militancy is but inevitable.

(Now, again, I am not condoning kidnappings and such… My argument is for the underlying causes—the governments’ gross abuse and neglect of the Niger Delta and Niger Deltans in spite of the fact that the wealth of the nation derives from their land).

But can it happen on a national scale, if the government’s abuse and neglect of the Nigerian populace were to escalate? It’s hard to say. I’ve had occasion to argue that:

The late Fela Anikulapo-Kuti epitomized the Nigerian countenance when he characterized Nigerians as tending towards “suffering and smiling.” If Nigerians are complacent, they are also resilient. But complacency and resilience where they coexist, over time, produce fools.

Time will tell; but one hopes that revolt/resistance always remains an open option—a final resort, but an open option nonetheless.

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